The Integrity Test for Zuckerberg and the Platforms: Is there an American Among them?

The Integrity Test for Zuckerberg and the Platforms: Is there an American Among them?

Man on a leashMark Zuckerberg wrote the letter in August 2024. Senior Biden administration officials, including from the White House, “repeatedly pressured” Meta’s teams for months in 2021 to censor COVID-19 content, including humor and satire. They expressed frustration when the company did not immediately comply. Zuckerberg stated that the pressure was wrong, that he regretted not being more outspoken, and that Meta would not compromise its standards under pressure from any administration in either direction. He added that the company was ready to push back if it happened again. On the Hunter Biden laptop story, he wrote that Facebook temporarily demoted the New York Post reporting after an FBI warning about possible Russian disinformation. Once it became clear the reporting was not Russian disinformation, he said the company should not have demoted it.

The record is not in dispute. Internal documents and the letter itself show sustained contact from the White House and other officials aimed at reducing the reach of specific categories of speech. Meta made enforcement changes in response. YouTube later described similar pressure and restored certain accounts that had been restricted. The platforms did not treat the requests as optional suggestions. They adjusted.

The Admission and the Timing

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Republicans Lost Because Those Who Truly Value the Principles America was Founded Stayed Home

Republicans Lost Because Those Who Truly Value the Principles America was Founded Stayed Home

The 2026 midterms were not a mystery. Democrats flipped the Senate and the House, took seats in Texas, Kansas, South Carolina, Iowa, and Ohio, and left Republicans with almost nothing to show for unified control of Washington. The war in Iran was the decisive factor. Exit polling and post-election analysis showed it ranked among the top reasons voters rejected Republican candidates. Fuel prices rose. The conflict dragged on for months after the initial February 28 strikes. Voters treated it as a choice made in their name and answered accordingly.

The Libertarian Line

A substantial share of the voters who elect actual limited-government Republicans—those aligned with the records of Donald Trump on domestic issues, Rand Paul, or Ted Cruz—hold to the non-aggression principle. They do not object to defense. They object to the initiation of force against another country when the immediate threat to American lives and territory is not clear and imminent. America’s founding practice was that the republic defended itself. It did not treat the security problems of other states as automatic American obligations. When the party in power launches strikes that escalate into an eight-month war, those voters do not merely disagree. Many of them stay home or vote against the Republican on the ballot.

That is not abstract theory. Read more →

We Didn’t See Big-Pharma’s Stranglehold on US Politicians Until It Was Too Late. Islam’s Is Already Here.

We Didn’t See Big-Pharma’s Stranglehold on US Politicians Until It Was Too Late. Islam’s Is Already Here.

Muslim Americans are roughly 1% of the adult population. That figure is real. It is also not the full measure of political reach. Organized advocacy groups tied to the community have built lobbying, PAC, and endorsement networks that deliver access and results far beyond what the headcount would predict. The pattern is the same one that let the pharmaceutical industry shape policy for years while most Americans were still treating drug prices and liability shields as ordinary market outcomes.

Pew Research Center’s 2023-24 Religious Landscape Study puts the Muslim share of U.S. adults at about 1.2 percent. Earlier Pew estimates placed the total population near 3.45 million in 2017. Other counts, including congregational tallies, run higher. Mosque numbers roughly doubled between 2000 and 2020. Growth comes mainly from immigration and higher fertility rates, not conversion. Projections that reach roughly 2 percent by 2050 assume continued immigration trends. These are not the figures of a demographic majority. They are the figures of a small, concentrated, and increasingly organized minority. Read more →

The Disease Is Being Sold as the Cure: Don’t Let Them Do to “Corporatism” What They Did to “Liberal”

The Disease Is Being Sold as the Cure: Don’t Let Them Do to “Corporatism” What They Did to “Liberal”

The political left is trying to steal the word “corporatism.”

Not by argument. By use. They are emptying the term of its real meaning and stuffing it with a different one, so that the disease can be sold as the cure. If the theft succeeds, free-market people will be left arguing about a label the other side already controls, while the actual arrangement — government power fused with corporate money — continues under a new slogan. This is the left’s linguistic jujitsu at work again. The same pattern that turned “liberal” from a word for limited government and individual rights into a brand for expanded state power is now being applied to corporatism. The connotative trick is consistent: take a word that names a real problem, attach it to the free market, and prescribe more government as the remedy.

The classical and academic meaning is clear. Corporatism is the organization of society into functional groups — business, labor, professions — that are licensed, mediated, or subordinated by the state. The word comes from corpus, the body politic. Philippe Schmitter’s standard distinction separates state corporatism (authoritarian, compulsory associations under government control) from societal or neo-corporatism (tripartite bargaining among government, employers, and unions). Britannica still defines it as the theory and practice of organizing society into “corporations” subordinate to the state.

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AI Is a Massive Net Good. Government in the Middle Is the Threat.

AI Is a Massive Net Good. Government in the Middle Is the Threat.

Artificial intelligence will be a massive net good for society if the government stays out of it. Put the government in the middle, partnered with the largest AI companies, and the same technology becomes a tool for controlling what people are allowed to ask and for freezing the market in favor of the firms already on top.

That is the claim. Here is the proof.

When no one is in charge of a tool, people try things. The attempts that work get copied. The attempts that fail get dropped. Nobody has to approve the next version. That is how Linux overtook operating systems that came from ministries and monopoly vendors. It is how ordinary markets improve a product: users leave what does not work, and a rival is free to ship something better. Economists have described this for two centuries. A later popular label, borrowed from physics, calls it emergent order — structure that appears because each person acts on what he sees, not because a central office drew the plan. Open-source AI belongs to that class. Not because the model is honest. A model repeats and recombines what it was trained on, plus whatever the person in front of it asks. It belongs to that class because a bad version can be abandoned and a better version can be released without a permit.

Regulated AI belongs to the other class. Corporatism is government power plus corporate money. The largest labs want rules they can afford and that a smaller shop cannot. Politicians want a lever over the answers the public receives. Each side has what the other wants. The deal is safety language in public, and a moat in practice.

The Claim of Safety Is Just a Moat to Protect Corporate Juggernauts

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Rare Illnesses Do Not Seem So Rare Anymore . . .

Rare Illnesses Do Not Seem So Rare Anymore . . .

People who have never used the word “appendix” in a medical sentence now know someone with appendix cancer. Young adults are showing up with colorectal tumors that used to belong to their grandparents. Physicians who spent careers calling certain malignancies “rare” are saying the word less often, and with less confidence.

That observation does not require a conspiracy board. The registries already show it. Appendix cancer in the United States rose 232% between 2000 and 2016. Americans born in the early 1980s are several times more likely to receive that diagnosis than Americans born in the 1940s. Colorectal cancer in people ages 20 to 49 is climbing about 3% a year while it falls in the elderly. Carcinoma rates in adolescents and young adults have been drifting upward for decades. In 2026 the National Cancer Institute still reports that overall cancer deaths are falling. Incidence is another story, especially in the young, and especially in tumors that used to be footnotes.

What the observation does not do is hand the public a finished cause. Obesity, ultra-processed food, childhood antibiotics, lockdowns that postponed screening, better detection, and the virus itself are all in the pile. So are the products that a handful of corporations, armed with federal liability shields and captured regulators, rolled out to the entire population in 2021 and then boosted, and boosted again.

The companies prefer that sentence to end before their names appear. A free country is not required to oblige them.

The Record the Defendants Do Not Want Sliced

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January 24 2023 Duxbury Massachusetts: Look From the Eyes of the Children

January 24 2023 Duxbury Massachusetts: Look From the Eyes of the Children

On January 24, 2023, in a house in Duxbury, Massachusetts, Cora Clancy was five. Dawson Clancy was three. Callan Clancy was eight months old. Their mother killed them. That is not a theory. It is the one fact both sides of the courtroom have already conceded.

A jury later split. A judge declared a mistrial. Commentators rushed to the language that always arrives after a mother kills her children: illness, voices, medication, tragedy, “she was sick.” Some, even all of that language may be true as well as medically serious. Postpartum psychosis exists. Delusion exists. Courts have a test for criminal responsibility. None of that answers the only question that should come first.

What happened to the children? Read more →

If We Take the Flock Camera Question to the Supreme Court, We WILL WIN

If We Take the Flock Camera Question to the Supreme Court, We WILL WIN

The Fourth Amendment does not say the people have a right to be secure against some government files, or against files kept longer than 30 days, or against files a judge later decides they look “too much like a GPS.” It says:

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.

Read the nouns. Persons. Houses. Papers. Effects. The right is security from the state.  Period.  End of question. The warrant clause then tells the government the only lawful way to pierce that security: probable cause, oath, and particularity. A particular person. A particular place. A particular effect.

That text does not authorize the government to create a running file on the innocent and rummage it later. It authorizes the government, with a warrant, to take what already exists from a particular target. The state may receive another party’s records when a judge has named the crime and the person. The state may not stand in the road and become the original author of the citizen’s movements, even when it employs a third party to do it for them.

That is why, if this question is framed correctly and taken to the Supreme Court, we will win. Read more →

Let Them Pay Their Own Way: The Data Center Panic Is the Excuse, Tax Breaks and the Socialized Power Bill Are the Crime.  China Wins.

Let Them Pay Their Own Way: The Data Center Panic Is the Excuse, Tax Breaks and the Socialized Power Bill Are the Crime. China Wins.

Data centers use a lot of electricity. That sentence is true, and it is not an argument. Steel mills use a lot of electricity. Refineries use a lot of electricity. Aluminum plants use a lot of electricity. In a free country, a large customer who pays the full cost of the power he consumes, the wires built for him, and the damage he actually causes is not a public enemy. He is a customer.

The political class does not want that sentence to stand, because it leaves them with nothing to sell. So the public is handed red herrings: they are “draining the aquifers,” they are “destroying the grid,” they are “stealing your air conditioner in August.” Those lines are useful. They are not the transaction.

The transaction is corporatism. Politicians take the scare, then sit down with the same chief executives to hand out sales-tax exemptions, property-tax abatements, and interconnection rules that let a hyperscale tenant land on the system while households pick up part of the tab. That is not a free market. That is government picking a winner and sending the invoice to people who never asked for the AI datacenter.

The moral rule is simple: they pay their own way. The scandal is the politicians who violate it.

There is a second beneficiary of the panic, and it is not a mystery. The country that most needs American compute delayed, litigated, and regulated into a crawl is China. Beijing does not have to sabotage a single substation if American politicians will do the delaying for them. Democrats have made “guardrails,” moratoria, and climate theater the respectable face of that delay. RINO Republicans — some of them knowing exactly what they are doing, some of them merely chasing the poll and the donor — supply the bipartisan cover. Whether the motive is ideology, committee jurisdiction, or fear of a town-hall crowd, the result is the same: the United States argues with itself while the rival that wants to win the AI contest keeps pouring concrete.

Power Is Real. Socializing It Is the Fraud.

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